17-11-2015, 07:24 AM
China enters the capitalist citadel
Alan Kohler
[Image: alan_kohler.png]
Editor-at-large, ABR
Melbourne
[b]It is now just a formality that China’s currency, the renminbi, aka the yuan, will be included in the International Monetary Fund’s basket of special drawing rights (SDR) at the end of this month.[/b]
China has been trying to get in for a while, and in a statement last Friday that was overshadowed by other events, the IMF’s managing director Christine Lagarde said she and the staff supported the application.
It is most unlikely that the executive board will now vote against the renminbi’s inclusion in the SDR, making it the fifth currency in the basket (the others are the US dollar, euro, pound, and yen).
SDRs are an international reserve asset designed to supplement each country’s existing official reserves. They’re not exactly a currency but they can be exchanged for currencies, either by the IMF asking its members with strong external balances to buy them off those with deficits, or simply by voluntary trading among members of the IMF.
The main reason China wants in is for the prestige of it — to be included in the IMF’s SDR basket would be as big a deal as its joining the WTO in 2001.
That event, which marks the point at which China basically joined the global trading system, changed the world. It led China’s exporting deflation and low interest rate through its low labour costs, reshaped global manufacturing and produced the commodities boom that created Australia’s river of cash through the first decade of this century.
Acceptance into the SDR, marking China’s entry into the global financial system, may end up being almost as big a deal as WTO entry, but in a different way.
The SDR percentages are not officially used as a guide for foreign exchange reserves asset allocation, but they are a sort of unofficial guide.
It means the first effect of the vote this month will be to increase capital inflow into renminbi. Some analysts are saying that its SDR percentage will be 14 per cent, and that means global allocations to the China currency could be 10 per cent, which in turn means about $US1 trillion of new capital flowing into China.
That seems unlikely, at least for a while. According to the People’s Bank of China, foreign central banks currently hold less than 1 per cent of their assets in renminbi, so wiser heads reckon this could rise to 4 per cent, which means about $US300 billion in inflows, or $US60 billion a year — still quite a lot.
But the more important effects of the decision will be less tangible: China will be encouraged to continue and deepen financial system reforms within China, which could eventually have the sort of effect on global capital flows that WTO had on trade flows.
The PBoC and China’s political leadership have been tying reforms, including the devaluation in August and a move to greater flexibility in setting the exchange rate, to the application for SDR membership.
There were other reforms as well that were directly linked to SDR membership: the Ministry of Finance has been selling three-month treasury bills for the first time to help develop a domestic bond market, and the PBoC removed all limits on foreign central banks’ investment in Chinese bonds.
That second one was needed because central banks are the main holders of SDRs and need full access to renminbi assets to hedge their exposure to them.
So the Chinese authorities need a victory to show the reforms were, and are, worthwhile and to encourage more.
The next step will be to allow more volatility in the US dollar yuan exchange rate, which will be quite a big step.
When the band was widened in August the currency promptly devalued by 1.8 per cent, causing a massive panic on global financial markets — all markets, not just forex markets — because of a sudden fear that China may be about to devalue significantly.
That didn’t happen, but it meant the PBoC had to spend huge sums defending the currency over the following weeks, costing it a fortune.
The real problem in August was very poor communication from the PBoC about what it was doing, so perhaps it learnt about the need for transparency, as well as becoming more comfortable with foreign exchange volatility.
Ironically, with the prestige of joining the SDR will come the need to wear the indignity of devaluation, at least occasionally.
But that’s just part of being inside the global capitalist tent.
- BUSINESS SPECTATOR
- NOVEMBER 17, 2015 8:12AM
Alan Kohler
[Image: alan_kohler.png]
Editor-at-large, ABR
Melbourne
[b]It is now just a formality that China’s currency, the renminbi, aka the yuan, will be included in the International Monetary Fund’s basket of special drawing rights (SDR) at the end of this month.[/b]
China has been trying to get in for a while, and in a statement last Friday that was overshadowed by other events, the IMF’s managing director Christine Lagarde said she and the staff supported the application.
It is most unlikely that the executive board will now vote against the renminbi’s inclusion in the SDR, making it the fifth currency in the basket (the others are the US dollar, euro, pound, and yen).
SDRs are an international reserve asset designed to supplement each country’s existing official reserves. They’re not exactly a currency but they can be exchanged for currencies, either by the IMF asking its members with strong external balances to buy them off those with deficits, or simply by voluntary trading among members of the IMF.
The main reason China wants in is for the prestige of it — to be included in the IMF’s SDR basket would be as big a deal as its joining the WTO in 2001.
That event, which marks the point at which China basically joined the global trading system, changed the world. It led China’s exporting deflation and low interest rate through its low labour costs, reshaped global manufacturing and produced the commodities boom that created Australia’s river of cash through the first decade of this century.
Acceptance into the SDR, marking China’s entry into the global financial system, may end up being almost as big a deal as WTO entry, but in a different way.
The SDR percentages are not officially used as a guide for foreign exchange reserves asset allocation, but they are a sort of unofficial guide.
It means the first effect of the vote this month will be to increase capital inflow into renminbi. Some analysts are saying that its SDR percentage will be 14 per cent, and that means global allocations to the China currency could be 10 per cent, which in turn means about $US1 trillion of new capital flowing into China.
That seems unlikely, at least for a while. According to the People’s Bank of China, foreign central banks currently hold less than 1 per cent of their assets in renminbi, so wiser heads reckon this could rise to 4 per cent, which means about $US300 billion in inflows, or $US60 billion a year — still quite a lot.
But the more important effects of the decision will be less tangible: China will be encouraged to continue and deepen financial system reforms within China, which could eventually have the sort of effect on global capital flows that WTO had on trade flows.
The PBoC and China’s political leadership have been tying reforms, including the devaluation in August and a move to greater flexibility in setting the exchange rate, to the application for SDR membership.
There were other reforms as well that were directly linked to SDR membership: the Ministry of Finance has been selling three-month treasury bills for the first time to help develop a domestic bond market, and the PBoC removed all limits on foreign central banks’ investment in Chinese bonds.
That second one was needed because central banks are the main holders of SDRs and need full access to renminbi assets to hedge their exposure to them.
So the Chinese authorities need a victory to show the reforms were, and are, worthwhile and to encourage more.
The next step will be to allow more volatility in the US dollar yuan exchange rate, which will be quite a big step.
When the band was widened in August the currency promptly devalued by 1.8 per cent, causing a massive panic on global financial markets — all markets, not just forex markets — because of a sudden fear that China may be about to devalue significantly.
That didn’t happen, but it meant the PBoC had to spend huge sums defending the currency over the following weeks, costing it a fortune.
The real problem in August was very poor communication from the PBoC about what it was doing, so perhaps it learnt about the need for transparency, as well as becoming more comfortable with foreign exchange volatility.
Ironically, with the prestige of joining the SDR will come the need to wear the indignity of devaluation, at least occasionally.
But that’s just part of being inside the global capitalist tent.